آخر تحديث - 18 ديسمبر 2020
In early 2020, the U.S. Congress approved the USMCA with large bipartisan majorities in both chambers, and the agreement came into effect on July 1. Nevertheless, some critics have complained that the new rules of origin and minimum wage requirements are cumbersome and boil down to state-run exchanges. Alden of CFR was blood pressure and said that the government could recognize the restoration of cross-party cooperation in U.S. trade policy. But he warns: “If this new mix of Trump nationalism and democratic progressivism is what it takes now to conclude trade agreements with the United States, there could be very few buyers.” The NAFTA structure is expected to increase cross-border trade in North America and stimulate economic growth for stakeholders. Let`s start with a quick look at these two topics. On the other hand, Canada has long sold the United States 99% or more of its total oil exports: it did so even before the two countries concluded a free trade agreement in 1988. In other words, NAFTA does not appear to have done much to open up the U.S. market to Canadian crude oil. It was very open — Canadians were producing more. But from an economic point of view, NAFTA is a success and, without it, the impact of competition from the expanding economies of the European Union or China would be worse. This is crucial now that both trade zones are above the United States as the world`s largest economies.
Proponents have sometimes cited oil exports as evidence that NAFTA has helped Canada. According to the Economic Complexity Observatory, the United States imported $37.8 billion worth of crude oil in 1993, of which 18.4% came from Saudi Arabia and 13.2% from Canada. In 2015, Canada sold the United States for $49.8 billion, or 41% of its total crude oil imports. In real terms, Canadian oil sales to the U.S. increased by 527% during this period and are the largest supplier to the United States since 2006. Many economists argue that the current level of TaA funding is largely insufficient to meet the increase in trade-related job losses. “There are pockets that have felt a lot of pain,” Hanson says. “The existence of these pockets underscores our political failure to help regions and individuals adapt to the effects of globalization.” The U.S. Chamber of Commerce attributed to nafta that U.S. trade in goods and services with Canada and Mexico increased from $337 billion in 1993 to $1.2 trillion in 2011, while the AFL-CIO held the agreement responsible for sending 700,000 U.S. manufacturing jobs to Mexico at that time.
 Hanson, David Autor and David Dorn argued in a 2013 paper that increased import competition between 1990 and 2007 accounts for “a quarter of the simultaneous decline in manufacturing employment in the United States.” While acknowledging that Mexico and other countries “may also be important to the (U.S.) labour market outcomes,” they may have focused on China. The country joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, but is not a party to NAFTA. Between 1993 and 2015, Japan`s share of U.S. imports rose from 19% to 6%. Japan is also not a party to NAFTA. Nafta has been structured to increase cross-border trade in North America and stimulate economic growth for each party. On October 30, 2007, U.S. citizens Marvin and Elaine Gottlieb filed a letter of intent to file a NAFTA outrage, claiming that thousands of U.S. investors had lost a total of $5 billion when the Conservative government decided the previous year to change the tax rate for energy revenuereers. On April 29, 2009, it was decided that this change in tax law was not an expropriation.  The increase in Mexican imports from the United States